SCOTUS OT 2023

Well I hope Roberts enjoys the literal thousands of new cases heading into the court thanks to killing Chevron. For all his incrementalism, that's one of the surest chaos bombs his court threw in this country's history.
They'll just punt all the ones they don't want to deal with.
 
Hudson River® Bottled Water, can't wait!
You're not looking at this like a real capitalist ought to: Seveso Water is a much better idea, especially if all traces of actual water get filtered out to merely leave the chemical waste.

It will be bought by the kind of idiots who vote for Trump, making this a problem that will solve itself on the long run, as the number of braindead conservatives will dwindle due to consuming literal waste.
 

CPX

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Re: the Chevron decision.

I have two questions.

1) It’s been my impression that the court has been leaning this direction for the past couple of terms, slowly chipping away until they could finally carve out Chevron directly. I am not a SCOTUS or law aficionado, not my area of focus, I guess - is this impression accurate?

2) Have there been any decisions reached earlier this term that this decision either directly or potentially impacts?
 

CPX

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Re: the Chevron decision.

I have two questions.

1) It’s been my impression that the court has been leaning this direction for the past couple of terms, slowly chipping away until they could finally carve out Chevron directly. I am not a SCOTUS or law aficionado, not my area of focus, I guess - is this impression accurate?

Absolutely.

2) Have there been any decisions reached earlier this term that this decision either directly or potentially impacts?

Also yes:

I suspect with Chevron down, they'll come after mifepristone and say the FDA doesn't have the right to regulate it since it wasn't explicitly allowed by congress...
 
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Nobody has ever liked Chevron. It sometimes leads to regulations flip-flopping by administration because an ambiguous statute is interpreted by the executive branch. (IMHO it wouldn't be much of a problem if it was interpreted by career agency employees). The erosion of Cheveron has been happening for decades. Frankly there wasn't much left to it that hadn't already been carved off as an exception to the original Cheveron doctrine (Roberts quotes many of these cases in his opinion). However, many people didn't want it to go because we will always have ambiguous legislation (either in English usage, grammar, or simply lack of detail. Look at the decision in Fischer which was essentially about how much the word "otherwise" encompassed). In such a case it's nice to be able to call up agency X, Y, or Z and say: "Can I do this with my land/car/chemical plant/whatever?" That was the blessing and the curse of Chevron. You mostly knew where you stood, how close to the line you were, and how things might change with political winds.

Without Chevron, ambiguous regulations are now… ambiguous. At least until there's common law on the subject or congress updates whatever clause is in question. That's a heck of a lot of court cases where judges are going to have to rely on expert witnesses and technical reports (instead of deferring to agency employees/appointments).

Robert's conclusion succinctly summarizes the court's opinion:
John Roberts said:
Chevron is overruled. Courts must exercise their independent judgment in deciding whether an agency has acted within its statutory authority, as the APA requires. Careful attention to the judgment of the Executive Branch may help inform that inquiry. And when a particular statute delegates authority to an agency consistent with constitutional limits, courts must respect the delegation, while ensuring that the agency acts within it. But courts need not and under the APA may not defer to an agency interpretation of the law simply because a statute is ambiguous.

Backing up a bit, the overturn is primarily based on the tension that has always stood between the Administrative Procedures Act (APA) and Chveron, Roberts introduces the APA as follows:
John Roberts said:
Congress in 1946 enacted the APA “as a check upon administrators whose zeal might otherwise have carried them to excesses not contemplated in legislation creating their offices.” Morton Salt, 338 U. S., at 644. It was the culmination of a “comprehensive rethinking of the place of administrative agencies in a regime of separate and divided powers.” Bowen v. Michigan Academy of Family Physicians, 476 U. S. 667, 670–671 (1986). In addition to prescribing procedures for agency action, the APA delineates the basic contours of judicial review of such action. As relevant here, Section 706 directs that “[t]o the extent necessary to decision and when presented, the reviewing court shall decide all relevant questions of law, interpret constitutional and statutory provisions, and determine the meaning or applicability of the terms of an agency action.” 5 U. S. C. §706. It further requires courts to “hold unlawful and set aside agency action, findings, and conclusions found to be . . . not in accordance with law.” §706(2)(A)

He continues:
John Roberts said:
The APA thus codifies for agency cases the unremarkable, yet elemental proposition reflected by judicial practice dating back to Marbury: that courts decide legal questions by applying their own judgment. It specifies that courts, not agencies, will decide “all relevant questions of law” arising on review of agency action, §706 (emphasis added)— even those involving ambiguous laws—and set aside any such action inconsistent with the law as they interpret it. And it prescribes no deferential standard for courts to employ in answering those legal questions. That omission is telling, because Section 706 does mandate that judicial review of agency policymaking and factfinding be deferential. See §706(2)(A) (agency action to be set aside if “arbitrary, capricious, [or] an abuse of discretion”); §706(2)(E) (agency factfinding in formal proceedings to be set aside if “unsupported by substantial evidence”).

In a statute designed to “serve as the fundamental charter of the administrative state,” Kisor v. Wilkie, 588 U. S. 558, 580 (2019) (plurality opinion) (internal quotation marks omitted), Congress surely would have articulated a similarly deferential standard applicable to questions of law had it intended to depart from the settled pre-APA understanding that deciding such questions was “exclusively a judicial function,” American Trucking Assns., 310 U. S., at 544. But nothing in the APA hints at such a dramatic departure. On the contrary, by directing courts to “interpret constitutional and statutory provisions” without differentiating between the two, Section 706 makes clear that agency interpretations of statutes—like agency interpretations of the Constitution—are not entitled to deference. Under the APA, it thus “remains the responsibility of the court to decide whether the law means what the agency says.” Perez v. Mortgage Bankers Assn., 575 U. S. 92, 109 (2015) (Scalia, J., concurring in judgment).

The text of the APA means what it says.

I have really mixed feelings. I've been ticked off at agency interpretations as often as I've been pleased by them. I've been in professional situations where I know my knowledge, understanding, and reading of the law was better than whatever regulator/inspector was on site - but it wasn't worth fighting (in my case generally because of the dollar amounts of making the regulator happy versus lawyer costs). In a just system bureaucrat shouldn't automatically win if they're wrong about the law. But at least we knew were we stood.

Today the court provided no other test. So the only way to know the law is to go to court. And that's only the way to know the law in one district. If you cross boundaries of judicial districts you now have a legal vacuum again. At least until there's a circuit level opinion. But only until you cross circuit lines… so the only way to get a binding national precedent on every little ambiguous legal question is a SCOTUS decision. That's a huge problem because ambiguities in laws are all over the place.

Pragmatically, I expect the courts will still mostly defer to the evidence of bureaucracies simply by the fact that those agencies have the time and personnel (more or less) to develop superior data in support of their interpretation of the law, already provide public guidance, and enforce regulations. It worked for over forty years between the APA and Chevron (where the procedure was formalized). If we're lucky this will keep the trend of siding with reasonable federal interpretation while allowing courts to occasionally call BS when appointed officials are politicizing ambiguities in the regulations. However, I'm not feeling particularly lucky today.
 

karolus

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Nobody has ever liked Chevron. It sometimes leads to regulations flip-flopping by administration because an ambiguous statute is interpreted by the executive branch. (IMHO it wouldn't be much of a problem if it was interpreted by career agency employees). The erosion of Cheveron has been happening for decades. Frankly there wasn't much left to it that hadn't already been carved off as an exception to the original Cheveron doctrine (Roberts quotes many of these cases in his opinion). However, many people didn't want it to go because we will always have ambiguous legislation (either in English usage, grammar, or simply lack of detail. Look at the decision in Fischer which was essentially about how much the word "otherwise" encompassed). In such a case it's nice to be able to call up agency X, Y, or Z and say: "Can I do this with my land/car/chemical plant/whatever?" That was the blessing and the curse of Chevron. You mostly knew where you stood, how close to the line you were, and how things might change with political winds.

Without Chevron, ambiguous regulations are now… ambiguous. At least until there's common law on the subject or congress updates whatever clause is in question. That's a heck of a lot of court cases where judges are going to have to rely on expert witnesses and technical reports (instead of deferring to agency employees/appointments).

Robert's conclusion succinctly summarizes the court's opinion:


Backing up a bit, the overturn is primarily based on the tension that has always stood between the Administrative Procedures Act (APA) and Chveron, Roberts introduces the APA as follows:


He continues:


I have really mixed feelings. I've been ticked off at agency interpretations as often as I've been pleased by them. I've been in professional situations where I know my knowledge, understanding, and reading of the law was better than whatever regulator/inspector was on site - but it wasn't worth fighting (in my case generally because of the dollar amounts of making the regulator happy versus lawyer costs). In a just system bureaucrat shouldn't automatically win if they're wrong about the law. But at least we knew were we stood.

Today the court provided no other test. So the only way to know the law is to go to court. And that's only the way to know the law in one district. If you cross boundaries of judicial districts you now have a legal vacuum again. At least until there's a circuit level opinion. But only until you cross circuit lines… so the only way to get a binding national precedent on every little ambiguous legal question is a SCOTUS decision. That's a huge problem because ambiguities in laws are all over the place.

Pragmatically, I expect the courts will still mostly defer to the evidence of bureaucracies simply by the fact that those agencies have the time and personnel (more or less) to develop superior data in support of their interpretation of the law, already provide public guidance, and enforce regulations. It worked for over forty years between the APA and Chevron (where the procedure was formalized). If we're lucky this will keep the trend of siding with reasonable federal interpretation while allowing courts to occasionally call BS when appointed officials are politicizing ambiguities in the regulations. However, I'm not feeling particularly lucky today.
Ideally, there'd be a reasoned approach for agency decisions—and well-scoped-out by career domain experts and backed by science. That could go a long way toward removing ambiguities, with the exception of the inevitable edge cases. In that type of instance, it would be good to have that bench of seasoned domain experts to make decisions and have solid policy to guide them. How does moving those decisions to the courts help the process? Even for well-funded litigants, it's just going to draw out the process.
 

Happysin

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Ideally, there'd be a reasoned approach for agency decisions—and well-scoped-out by career domain experts and backed by science. That could go a long way toward removing ambiguities, with the exception of the inevitable edge cases. In that type of instance, it would be good to have that bench of seasoned domain experts to make decisions and have solid policy to guide them. How does moving those decisions to the courts help the process? Even for well-funded litigants, it's just going to draw out the process.
It's going to cause utter chaos and circuit splits all over the place, at a volume the SCOTUS isn't going to be able to address. The practical outcome is the US is going to be even more balkanized in its rules and regulations. Something Roberts apparently thinks is Jim Dandy.
 

CPX

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Nobody has ever liked Chevron. It sometimes leads to regulations flip-flopping by administration because an ambiguous statute is interpreted by the executive branch. (IMHO it wouldn't be much of a problem if it was interpreted by career agency employees). The erosion of Cheveron has been happening for decades. Frankly there wasn't much left to it that hadn't already been carved off as an exception to the original Cheveron doctrine (Roberts quotes many of these cases in his opinion). However, many people didn't want it to go because we will always have ambiguous legislation (either in English usage, grammar, or simply lack of detail. Look at the decision in Fischer which was essentially about how much the word "otherwise" encompassed). In such a case it's nice to be able to call up agency X, Y, or Z and say: "Can I do this with my land/car/chemical plant/whatever?" That was the blessing and the curse of Chevron. You mostly knew where you stood, how close to the line you were, and how things might change with political winds.

Without Chevron, ambiguous regulations are now… ambiguous. At least until there's common law on the subject or congress updates whatever clause is in question. That's a heck of a lot of court cases where judges are going to have to rely on expert witnesses and technical reports (instead of deferring to agency employees/appointments).

Interpretation by career agency employees is even less democratic than presidentially-appointed interpreters be they agency heads or federal judges. But even still, we have no good way of getting this interpretation down to that level because what you describe would just be Chevron but deferred to specific non-appointed roles. Thanks to Roberts, we have no viable path to interpretation besides a federal court. The regulatory agencies will all need a fuckton more lawyers because they won't know whether they interpreted something correctly until they get drug before court for the 80 billionth time in some batshit Fifth Circuit courtroom.

I have really mixed feelings. I've been ticked off at agency interpretations as often as I've been pleased by them. I've been in professional situations where I know my knowledge, understanding, and reading of the law was better than whatever regulator/inspector was on site - but it wasn't worth fighting (in my case generally because of the dollar amounts of making the regulator happy versus lawyer costs). In a just system bureaucrat shouldn't automatically win if they're wrong about the law. But at least we knew were we stood.

Today the court provided no other test. So the only way to know the law is to go to court. And that's only the way to know the law in one district. If you cross boundaries of judicial districts you now have a legal vacuum again. At least until there's a circuit level opinion. But only until you cross circuit lines… so the only way to get a binding national precedent on every little ambiguous legal question is a SCOTUS decision. That's a huge problem because ambiguities in laws are all over the place.

Pragmatically, I expect the courts will still mostly defer to the evidence of bureaucracies simply by the fact that those agencies have the time and personnel (more or less) to develop superior data in support of their interpretation of the law, already provide public guidance, and enforce regulations. It worked for over forty years between the APA and Chevron (where the procedure was formalized). If we're lucky this will keep the trend of siding with reasonable federal interpretation while allowing courts to occasionally call BS when appointed officials are politicizing ambiguities in the regulations. However, I'm not feeling particularly lucky today.

The entire ruling is Roberts wanting courts intimately involved with the regulatory regime, not just "a little more empowered". Whether he grasps that or not, his legacy will be one of legislating from the bench.
 

Happysin

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Interpretation by career agency employees is even less democratic than presidentially-appointed interpreters be they agency heads or federal judges. But even still, we have no good way of getting this interpretation down to that level because what you describe would just be Chevron but deferred to specific non-appointed roles. Thanks to Roberts, we have no viable path to interpretation besides a federal court. The regulatory agencies will all need a fuckton more lawyers because they won't know whether they interpreted something correctly until they get drug before court for the 80 billionth time in some batshit Fifth Circuit courtroom.
Not to mention, a rather unexpected SCOTUS member just raked her co-workers across the coals for misinterpreting a rather technical law, and ruling poorly on that misinterpretation. Multiply this by every expert in every federal agency having to take time out of their day to explain to a judge the technical-yet-important differences in fracking in a stable geo area versus fracking near a water table, and it's going to be an even bigger time sink and shitshow.
 

karolus

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It's going to cause utter chaos and circuit splits all over the place, at a volume the SCOTUS isn't going to be able to address. The practical outcome is the US is going to be even more balkanized in its rules and regulations. Something Roberts apparently thinks is Jim Dandy.
Have people close to me in the government, who were bracing for this.

Is the judiciary prepared for it? Sure, there were interested parties who want to make government unworkable so that they can do as they please, but this probably wasn't the method they were looking for. Will it require an army of attorneys and expert witnesses to get anything done from this point forward?
 

Wheels Of Confusion

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Sure, there were interested parties who want to make government unworkable so that they can do as they please, but this probably wasn't the method they were looking for.
You mean the unintended consequences were overlooked, not that they weren't asking for it. Too often, "conservatives" who want a "small government" try to get a motorcycle by chopping a car in half.
 

kvndoom

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You're not looking at this like a real capitalist ought to: Seveso Water is a much better idea, especially if all traces of actual water get filtered out to merely leave the chemical waste.

It will be bought by the kind of idiots who vote for Trump, making this a problem that will solve itself on the long run, as the number of braindead conservatives will dwindle due to consuming literal waste.
Raw milk water!
 

Shavano

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If the latest EPA case is any indication, the conservatives will cherry-pick the court record and comments to get to whatever result they want. They will also use bullshit amicus briefs and additional collateral.
Sounds like too much work. They'll just ask their sponsors how to rule.
 

Shavano

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Fuck fuck fuck

Today is the worst day with all these decisions

Homelessness is now illegal
The Judicial Branch runs the country
Insurrection is legal
I guess it's always possible to charge some of them with actual insurrection and seditious conspiracy, as they probably would have been if this lesser charge hadn't been available.
 

Klockwerk

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Have people close to me in the government, who were bracing for this.

Is the judiciary prepared for it? Sure, there were interested parties who want to make government unworkable so that they can do as they please, but this probably wasn't the method they were looking for. Will it require an army of attorneys and expert witnesses to get anything done from this point forward?

It's going to be much easier to just do something and then know it's possible to claim "I thought it was fine because Law X is ambiguous". Or "Supreme Court hasn't said I can't do X, don't like it then take it up with the Supremes".
 

papadage

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I guess it's always possible to charge some of them with actual insurrection and seditious conspiracy, as they probably would have been if this lesser charge hadn't been available.

The vast majority have criminal trespass and assaulting police as additional convictions. Their sentences will not be affected.
And the charges against Trump remain intact since his conspiracy included fraudulent Electoral College ballots and certifications.
 

blindbear

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It's going to be much easier to just do something and then know it's possible to claim "I thought it was fine because Law X is ambiguous". Or "Supreme Court hasn't said I can't do X, don't like it then take it up with the Supremes".

I was reading Bottle of Lie about pharm. industry. There are enough problem with the current FDA already. If they have to fight everything through the court system, we can expect more bad drugs circulating going forwards.
 

Shavano

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I was reading Bottle of Lie about pharm. industry. There are enough problem with the current FDA already. If they have to fight everything through the court system, we can expect more bad drugs circulating going forwards.
What's interesting is they didn't take away mifepristone. It's unclear what if any principle they are using to decide the difference between rules that are to be allowed to continue and those that won't.
 

blindbear

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I am more worry about drug safety in general. In Bottle of Lie, FDA was having difficult charge a foreign (India) generic drug company for fraud. FDA just do not have the resource to go after big companies, especially foreign ones. The author wrote that the "higher up" and the politicians stonewall the investigations due to the pressure of needing cheap drug and foreign relationship.

By the way, none of the executives were personal charged.


I am sure we will see the same problem with other agencies. There are always push back from fishing to mining on the regulations.
 
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papadage

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What's interesting is they didn't take away mifepristone. It's unclear what if any principle they are using to decide the difference between rules that are to be allowed to continue and those that won't.

They are punting it until after the election. The plaintiffs had no standing and did not need to rule on the merits. They will not be so merciful after November, whether or not Trump wins. They may even go all out for fetal personhood.
 

Shavano

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Nothing can break down the legitimacy of the court system faster than not knowing what the rules are supposed to be. It's not like we have infinite capacity in the appeals courts. If the lower courts don't trust the consistency of the SCOTUS, they'll just ignore the Supreme Court and rule however they see fit. There's no way for the supreme court to enforce its will if there's mass non-compliance at the lower court level.
 

CPX

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Nothing can break down the legitimacy of the court system faster than not knowing what the rules are supposed to be. It's not like we have infinite capacity in the appeals courts. If the lower courts don't trust the consistency of the SCOTUS, they'll just ignore the Supreme Court and rule however they see fit. There's no way for the supreme court to enforce its will if there's mass non-compliance at the lower court level.

It won't even be non-compliance. We'll get circuits with massive interpretation differences (looking at you, Fifth) that will flood SCOTUS who won't be able to rule fast enough.
 
With Chevron overturned bring back the lead paint! Those vibrant colors are to die for.

I’m starting a lead paint lobbying group. Send me $10 and I’ll send back some paint chips.
Lead paint? Bring back glow-in-the-dark paint with actual radioactive components. Radium whitening toothpaste. Bleach as a cure for dangerous diseases!

No, wait, that last one...
 

Shavano

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Lead paint? Bring back glow-in-the-dark paint with actual radioactive components. Radium whitening toothpaste. Bleach as a cure for dangerous diseases!

No, wait, that last one...
Their more urgent desire seems to be taking all restraint off of environmental destruction, and putting restraint on personal liberty.
 

Nekojin

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Their more urgent desire seems to be taking all restraint off of environmental destruction, and putting restraint on personal liberty.
That would follow Wilhoit's axiom.

Frank Wilhoit said:
Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect.
Rich people and corporations are the in-group. The hoi polloi are the out-group.
 

CPX

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I thought about @Defenestrar's idea and came up with a possibility that gets around Roberts' bullshit. It doesn't need an amendment to pass and would be something a second Biden term could push.

Create an Article III court for every agency with staffers to provide technical expertise with the mandate to interpret agency rules. It's not Chevron, but it's far better than the "every circuit's conflicting interpretation" we're about to get.
 

karolus

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Lead paint? Bring back glow-in-the-dark paint with actual radioactive components. Radium whitening toothpaste. Bleach as a cure for dangerous diseases!

No, wait, that last one...
We'll know it's hit peak when the justices themselves are seen playing lawn darts in the grass outside the Supreme Court Building.
 
Their more urgent desire seems to be taking all restraint off of environmental destruction, and putting restraint on personal liberty.
I gotta wonder how much of this is Gorsuch trying to redeem his mother's legacy.

From wiki:
Gorsuch based her administration of the EPA on the New Federalism approach of downsizing federal agencies by delegating their functions and services to the individual states. She believed that the EPA was over-regulating business and that the agency was too large and not cost-effective. During her 22 months as agency head, she cut the budget of the EPA by 22%, reduced the number of cases filed against polluters, relaxed Clean Air Act regulations, and facilitated the spraying of restricted-use pesticides. She cut the total number of agency employees, and hired staff from the industries they were supposed to be regulating. Environmentalists contended that her policies were designed to placate polluters, and accused her of trying to dismantle the agency.

Gorsuch wrote the Ohio v EPA decision. Why the f*#k was he the opinion writer?

In a sane world, he would would have a perception of conflict requiring recusal.

Fuckin mommy issues.
 
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